Scotland and the Crisis at Westminster

Unchartered territory is one of the most frequent descriptions of the current Westminster expenses crisis.  Coming on top of the banking crisis, it has undermined the legitimacy of central pillars of ‘Great Britishness’ and this has some advantages in promoting the case for independence. In the UK context the public response has been politically unfocussed because there has not been a reforming ideology sufficiently strongly in place to channel public anger in a coherent direction. This is not just about lack of media coverage of alternatives.  Of course that is a problem but media need parties and movements with a strong enough base to be viable protagonists. The key question is whether in a Scottish context public anger can be given a more constructive focus.  

Will the outcome in Scotland be the same scattergun cynicism about politics and all political change?  The expenses scandal has crossed the party spectrum although among Scottish MPs, the SNP and Liberal Democrats have so far not had substantial problems. Also none of the main parties have promoted serious action on top banking and other corporate salaries and there is a feeling that the outrageous remuneration packages will just drift back to where they were.  This cynicism is a real danger.  One of the reasons why there was not a larger ‘yes’ vote in the 1979 referendum was that it came after a winter of economic crisis when voters in Scotland were pessimistic about change. But under these circumstances people can also be more open to alternatives and inspirational leadership. Will Scots look for alternatives in a Scottish context or will some see the debate about radical reform of the Westminster system as an attractive option?

The problem for Labour is that any proposals that come at this point in the political cycle lack any credibility.  Brown’s proposal for a National Council for Democratic Reform and his statements of support for proportional representation, Lords reform and increased backbench powers – are all too much, too late for a fag-end government with less than a year to go after twelve years in power.  This is obviously a panic reaction.  In David Cameron’s case, his proposals are largely light-weight sound-bites because he is likely to have the power to deliver.

This does not mean that we should not support the ideas for reform and, in particular, support groups like Unlock Democracy which incorporates Charter 88.  Promoting democratic reform is something with which we can identify as worthwhile in itself.  The values promoted can be used to strengthen the legitimacy of Scotland’s right to decide its own constitutional future. It helps us to build cross-border goodwill.  Most of the reforms proposed are ones that Scotland already has within the context of devolved powers and those reforms were the product of work that was done in Scotland.  We should try to get the independence case for Scotland and the proposals for a stronger Welsh legislature discussed as part of the reform agenda.  Our argument is that, just as devolution has enabled substantial democratic reform to take place, so independence would extend the opportunity for different models of social, economic and international relations and this could have spin-off benefits in offering examples for others in the British Isles.

The second strand of this current crisis of confidence is the crossover to aspects of the banking debacle. The image of ‘top’ people lining their pockets without any ethical standards just because they have the power to do so has been fixed in public perception. Even although there is a vast gap between the reward packages of MPs and top corporate executives, we should not forget that both are in the top 5% of earners.  There have been serious debates in Germany and France on restricting top earnings but there has not been a serious debate here – only hot air.  Obviously the Scottish Parliament does not have power to act on this outwith the public sector but it would be good to see the principle promoted of bringing top salaries down across the board and increasing the lowest wages and benefits. This is a power issue and a cultural/ethical issue.  The neo-liberal culture of consumption-based status and unrestrained corporate power need to be challenged and projecting a vision of a more ethical Scotland would appeal to the public in this current crisis.  

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